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Virginia Politics. 






SPEECH 



HON. JAMES H. PLATT 



OF VIRaiNIA., 



DELIVERED 



IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, 



APRIL 6, 18?2. 



WASHINGTON: 

P. & J. RIVES & GEO. A. BAILEY, 

REPORTERS AND PRINTERS OF THE DEBATES OF CONGRESS. 

1872. 






Virginia Politics. 



The House having met for debate as in Committee | 
of the Whole on the state of the Union- 
Mr. PLATTsaid: 

Mr. Speaker: Oh the 6th of March, the 
House being in Committee of the Whole on 
the defieienc.^ bill, my colleague from the fifth 
district of Virginia moved to strike out the 
section appropriating $1,000,000 for expenses 
of United States courts, and supported his 
proposed amendment by remarks in which he 
charged that under cover of the beneficent laws 
passed by a loyal Congress for the protection 
of voters, intimidation and persecution were 
being used by the Radical party to deprive 
citizens of Virginia of the right to freely exer- 
cise the privilege of voting, and that not an 
election passed in the State without some of 
its best citizens being persecuted, not pros- 
ecuted, under the provisions of this act. 

Sir, the old fable of the wolf and the lamb 
is familiar to us all. That instance is more 
than paralleled when a Virginia Democrat 
charges here or elsewhere that the Repub- 
licans of Virginia are guilty of using intim- 
idation to prevent Democrats from voting as 
their consciences may dictate. I could not 
permit his remarks to pass unchallenged, and 
in the five minutes I was under the rules per- 
mitted to occupy I endeavored to show tbat 
his charges against the party of which I am a 
member were unfounded and unsupported by 
facts, but that on the contrary the Democratic 
party of Virginia had been guilty of fraud, in- 
timidation, and wrong in their efforts to gain 
and retain political piower in the State, men- 
tioning such instances as occurred to me at 
the moment and were familiar to me from 
personal knowledge, or acquired from other 
sources and believed by me to be true. 

No reply was made to my remarks at the 
time, but on the 16th of March following, 
my colleague from the seventh district of 
Virginia obtained permission to print some 
remarks, which appeared in the Globe of tiie 
17th, and the publication of which has, in my 
opinion, rendered it necessary tiiat 1 should on 
this occasion — the first since the publication 
of his remarks when 1 have been able to 



obtain the floor — present the evidence upon 
which I based my previous statements, and 
show the House that the charges made l)y me 
in my remarks on the 6th of March last were 
fully warranted and justified by the facts. It 
is an old saying that when one shoots into a 
Hock of ducks the hurt birds flutter. Judging 
from the commotion in the Virginia Democ- 
racy as evinced by the comments of the 
Democratic papers of the State, the speech 
of my colleague, and the letters of his cor- 
respondents, the chance shot made by me 
in my previous remarks struck a sore spot 
in his party ; and in order to prejudice the 
people of Virginia and weaken any impres- 
sion I might otherwise have made upon 
them, I have been charged with attacking the 
people of Virginia and slandering them from 
my place in the Congress of the United States. 
I indignantly deny this charge. The people 
of Virginia are my people as much as they are 
my colleague's. I yield to no Representative 
my State has in either branch of Congress in 
my devotion to and love for my State and its 
people, nor in the zeal I have shown, and 
which, so long as I have the honor to occupy 
my present position, I shall continue to show 
for her every interest. I stand here just as 
much entitled to speak for her people as any 
of my associates. 

I invite a scrutinizing, searching examin- 
ation of ray record as a Representative since 
the people of the second district first sent me 
here, and challenge any man to point out one 
instance where 1 have failed in an earnest, 
painstaking fidelity to the interests of my ()eo- 
ple, or a conscientious performance of the 
duties proj^erly pertaining to my [josition. I 
have made no charge against t lie people of 
Virginia ; I have none to make ; but i have 
made charges against the Democratic party of 
Virginia, and I now reiterate and reHfiirm all 
the charges against that corrupt, unscrupulous, 
cowardly party of false pretenses, tiiut I have 
ever made, and declare my earnest conviction 
that not one hundredth part of the atrocities 
and villainies it has perpetrated in Virginia 
will ever be brought to light until the guilty 
actors are arraigned before ihatgreat judgment 



4 



seat to which we must all come at last, and 
made to answer there for their crimes. 

My colleague has selected from my previous 
remarks the portions to which he specially 
excepts, and which he commenced seeking 
evidence to refute as early as the 7th of March. 
As he has chosen to make them a test of the 
correctness of my statements, I accept his 
challenge, and will stand or fall in the judg- 
ment of this House as I succeed or fail in sus- 
taining my previous charges, even giving the 
evidence he adduces in the form of letters from 
the mayor of Richmond and the gentleman 
who represents the city of Norfolk in the Vir- 
ginia senate the same force given to the sworn 
statements I shall adduce in support of my 
charges against the Democracy. He quotes 
me as follows : 

"And I do say further, that the party which is 
represented on this floor by the gentleman who has 
just spoken, having had the control of the State of 
Virginia, have by their acts in every possible way, 
except by an organized KuKlux system, intimidated 
voters and kept them from exercising the rights 
which the laws of this country declared they should 
have." * * * * * * * * * 

"I wish to call the attention of the committee to 
an act passed by the Legislature of Virginia only a 
few weeks ago, and I challenge the history of this or 
any other country to produce a parallel to it. In 
the city of Norfolk, in my district, there is a con- 
siderable Republican majority, but by an unholy 
gerrymandering, the Legislature have thrown all the 
Republican majori'ty into one part of the city, so 
that the common couucil is equally divided. We 
have in the council six Republicans and six Demo- 
crats. • Of course, in these circumstances, nothing 
could be done. Everything was at a deadlock. 
There were Republican oflacers selected by the pre- 
vious Republican council and by the people. Well, 
what did the Legislature of Virginia do? They 
passed a law giving one of the men in the council 
two votes, so that by one vote he could produce a tie 
and then give a casting and deciding vote; and to- 
day we have presented the spectacle of six men with 
seven votes — a state of things produced by the Legis- 
lature of Virginia to enable them to carry out par- 
tisan ends and to eject from otiice the Republicans 
elected by the people. 

" Now, let me ask the gentleman to carry his mind 
back to the period two years ago, when in the city 
of Richmond G. W. Ctiahoon was elected mayor. It 
was supposed by his party that they were absolutely 
certain of carrying the city ; but wlieu the ballots 
came to be counted on the night of the election they 
found to their astonishment that the Republican 
party had carried the city of Richmond. But what 
did they do ? The law of Virginia requires that after 
the ballots are counted they shall be put in a box, 
and that thsit box shall be carried by the oflicers of 
election and deposited with the clerk of the court. 
The next morning after the election, while the offi- 
cer of election of one of the wards was proceeding 
with the hox containing the ballots to deposit them 
with the clerk of the court, he was attacked in broad 
daylight in the streets of Richmoud by men in dis- 
guise, tbe box taken, and its contents scattered to 
the winds. 

"And although the result of the election was on 
record, .signed by every officer of election, the judges 
of election, when thoy came to make the count, threw 
out the votes of that ward on the ground that the law 
had not been complied with, because the votes had 
not been deposited with the clerk of the court. And 
the gentleman's party to-day, as the fruit of that 
villainy, are holding in defiance of the majority of 
the voters of Richmond all the offices of that city. 
They do so in eousequeuce of that violation of law 



and justice committed in broad daylight in the city 
of Richmond, and for which no living man has ever 
been punished in any way or manner." 

"Now, I charge that all over Virginia, at every 
election held there since the war, since the passage 
of the reconstruction acts, these things have oc- 
curred. What do you see to-day in the city of 
Norfolk? Whenever an election occurs there, in 
defiance of a law which says there shall be no distinc- 
tion, they have two ballot-boxes, one for the white 
men and one for the colored men. The election 
officers take fifteen minutes or half an hour to take 
the vote of a colored man. while a white man votes 
in thirty seconds. At every election in Norfolk and 
in Richmond when the polls close there are hun- 
dreds of colored men standing on the street who 
have been deprived of the right to vote by the action 
of the officers of the election delaying them in that 
way." 

I was compelled to leave the city on the 
same evening on which I made these remarks 
and was unable to correct them before their 
publication in the Globe, and I was reported 
incorrectly in two particulars. First, the word 
Norfolk in the second paragraph should be 
Portsmouth. This my colleague should have 
been familiar enough with affairs in Virginia 
to have known. Secondly, I did not intend to 
say or to be understood as saying that all col- 
ored men were delayed fifteen minutes or half 
an hour in voting ; but that this was done in 
many instances needlessly, and tor the purpose 
of delaying and preventing the deposit of 
Republican votes. With these corrections, I 
now, with a full knowledge of the responsibility 
I assume, reiterate the charges made in the 
extract I have just read, and declare on my 
honor as a man and my responsibility as a 
Representative that I believe they are true, 
and that they not only do not exaggerate, but 
that they fail to convey any adequate idea of 
the enormities and crimes committed by the 
Democratic jjarty in Virginia. 

The very evidence adduced by my colleague 
proves their truth, and I am astonished that 
he failed to see in reading the letters of his 
correspondents how clearly they corroborated 
my statements in the most important {)articu- 
lars. My colleague says in relation to the 
extracts from my former remarks given above : 

" Mr. Braxton. It will be observed that the fore- 
going extracts contain charges against the city of 
Norfolk, the city of Richmond, the Legislature of 
Virginia, and the Conservative party throughout 
the entire State. It is charged first in regard to the 
Legislature of Virginia, that there were six Repub- 
licans and six Democrats in the council o£ Z'Jorlolk 
city ; and that the Virginia Legislature passed a law 
giving one man two votes, one to produce a tie, the 
second to be used as a casting and deciding vote; 
second, that the judges of election in Norfolk take 
from fiiteen minutes to half an hour to vote a negro, 
and only thirty seconds to vote a white ma,n. In 
reply to these charges I ask permission to have read 
the following letter received on Thursday last from 
Colonel Waller H. Taylor, the present senator from 
Norfolk city in the Virginia Legislature. 

" The Clerk read as follows : 

Richmond, Vxkginia, March 13, 1872. 

Dear Sir: I have but this moment returned to 
Richmond after an absence of several days, and find 



your two letters of the 7th and 12th instant. This 
will explain why you have not sooner had an answer. 
In regard to the m;!ttL'r first uu'ntioued : the coun- 
cil of the I'ity ot'Portt^mouth (consists of twelve mem- 
bers, six from each of two wards. One ward sent 
Conservative and the other Republican members, 
so that the council stood six to six. For a ions time 
no organization could bo effected. No president nor 
clerk could be elected, and, indeed, nothinf? at all 
done which was calculated to draw party lines. 
Finally a comDromise was made: it was agreed that 
the Conserviitivea should have the presiding officer, 
and the llopublicans the clerk, (the latter a paying 
office, the former not.) The next difficulty arose 
■when the council proceeded to elect certain muni- 
cipal officers, collectors, &c. It was impossible, of 
course, to agree on any one man. Six would vote 
for the Conservative and six for the Radical nom- 
inee. Ifoncof the Radical members haiipened to 
be sick, the remaining five ab.«ented themselves, thus 
preventing a quorum, and producing a dead-lock. 
Under the circumstances, a bill was introduced in 
the Legislature and passed, granting the presiding 
officer, in the event of a tie, the right to give the cast- 
ing vote, he, of course, voting as a member besides. 

In regard to the second matter mentioned, 1 can 
only say I do not believe what is asserted. It may be 
that colored men are sometimes too late to vote ; and 
the same may be said of white voters ; but that what 
you say Mr. Platt asserts is the general rule or 
practice, I am not prepared to admit. I am sure if 
such was the case I would be cognizant of the fact, 
whereas I have no good reason whatever to believe 
for a moment that the assertion could be sustained 
by the facts; but, on the other hand, I am convinced 
from my own limited observation, and more espe- 
cially from what I am told by others better posted, 
that no unreasonable delay whatever is inade in 
the case of a negro offering to vote. To this there 
may be exceptions, but of such exceptions I am not 
informed. 

Very truly, yours, W. H. TAYLOR. 

Hon. E. M. Braxton, Washington, D. G. 

" Mr. Braxton. I have no comments to make on 
Colonel Taylor's letter. It speaks for itself; it speaks 
for the jieople of Norfolk; and clearly shows that 
my colleague was inaccurately informed as to the 
action of the Virginia Legislature of which he com- 
plains and criticises. 

■■ Now, Mr. Si>eaker, as to the charges against the 
Conservatives of the city of Richmond, what are 
they? First, they are charged with destroying one 
of the ballot-boxes at an election held for mayor in 
that city, when G. W. Chahoon was the Republican 
candidate. Second, that the judges of election take 
from fifteen minutes to half an hour to vote a negro, 
and only thirty seconds to vote a white man, and 
that hundreds of negroes are deprived of the oppor- 
tunity of voting by the delay. In reply to these 
charges I ask that the following communication 
be read, written by a gentleman of high standing and 
unquestionable integrity, who resides in the city of 
Richmond, and therefore has better opportunity 
than my colleague [Mr. Platt] or myself of knowing 
'what occurs at elections held in tbat city.' 

"The Clerk read as follows: 

Office of the Mayor. 
Richmond, Virginia, March9, 1872. 

My Dear Sir : Your note of yesterday, asking the 
facts relative to the facilities allowed to the respect- 
ive colors in our city elections, and the amount of 
colored voters who are kept from the exercise of 
the elective franchise by the officers of election, was 
received this morning. I have made the necessary 
examination of official returns, and assure you that 
they completely refute the charges of unfairness 
and official terrorism. I might furnish you with 
the returns of every election held since the war, 
but it would needlessly incumber this note, with- 
out, in the slightest degree, varying the result. I 
select, therefore, the first and last election in which 
respectable people have generally participated in 
Richmond since the war— the election of ISG'J, held 



under the auspices of General Canby, and the gen- 
eral election of last fall. I quote from the official 
return of Canby as to the first, and from the elec- 
tion returns in my office as to the last : 
The registered white vote in 18(j9, in Richmond, 

was 7,551 

The registered black vote in 18(39, in Richmond, 

was 7^ 

White majority ^ 

The number of white votes cast, was 6,.%2 

The number of black votes cast, was 5,998 

AVhite majority 364 

In other words, the difference between the white 
registered majority and the white voting majority 
was 72, in an aggregate vote cast of 12,3G0. This 
election was held under Federal bayonets. 
In the last election, November, 1871, the total regis- 
tered white vote was 7,021 

The total registered black vote was 5,894 

White registered majority 1,127 

The total Conservative vote cast at that election, 
which is very nearly the measure of the white 
vote, was 6,227 

The total Radical vote 5,241 

Conservative majority 986 

These figures show that the voting was at least 
as free as the registration. Now, to demonstrate 
that the registration was free, compare the total 
registered white and colored vote respectively with 
the total white and colored poi)ulation, and you will 
find that the blacks register a larger vote in propor- 
tion to aggregate population than the whites do, 
either in Richmond or in any other city in the 
Union. I have not the census returns; but I defy 
the investigation. This disposes of the charge of 
unfairness in this matter. You ask also what ground 
there is for the accusation that the election officers 
take from fifteen minutes to half an hour to count 
a colored vote, while they take less than fifteen sec- 
onds to receive a white vote. As you are aware, 
whites and blacks vote at the same place, and hand 
their ballots to the same judges of election. There 
are twenty-one precincts in Richmond, and at the 
last election eleven thousand four hundred and 
sixty-eight votes were cast— an average of five hun- 
dred and forty-six votes at each precinct. This was 
at the average rate of sixty votes an hour for each 
hour of the day at each precinct, or a vote a minute, 
making no allowance for the long intervals of com- 
parative quiet, the time lost in ctses of special chal- 
lenge, the slowness of voting in the hour that fol- 
lows sunrise, at the dinner hour, and at other times 
during the day; nor of the rascally attempts by 
Radical carpet-baggers to close strong Conservative 
polls by arresting their judges on false and frivolous 
charges. You see what utter and shameless reck- 
lessness of fact appears in the assertion that a quar- 
ter, mucii less half an hour was occupied in receiving 
a black vote. 

There is not the slightest foundation for the charge 
that long lines of unvoted blacks are found at the 
precincts at the closing of the polls deprived of their 
rights by the malfeasance of officers of election. 
The above figures of votes cast demonstrate the 
falsity of this charge ; but I speak of my own knowl- 
edge when I say that this is not the case. A great 
many blacks remain around the polls after they 
close, because there are hundreds here who have 
nothing else to do. You see them at every loafing 
place; hundreds of them throng the criminal court 
of this city every day, out of the same idle curiosity 
which induces them to hang around a precinct or 
follow a hand-organ ; but the great majority, nearly 
all of these, have voted, or have tried to vote im- 
properly, and have failed. Very few entitled to vote 



6 



fail of the opportunity. They come earliest and 
stay longest at the polls, there being no Texas Gov- 
ernor here to drive them home. There has been 
but one public accusation of this sort made in Rich- 
mond, an-d the arrest which followed it was made 
on affidavits which will be found to be perjuries 
•whenever the case, now eighteen months old, is 
tried. 

The only other inquiry of your letter refers to the 
destruction of a ballot-box. This has occurred once 
only in this city. It was alleged, and I believe truly, 
that the return in that ballot-box woidd have given 
an apparent Radical majority, whereas without that 
return the commissioners gave the Conservative 
ticket the return. A Conservative judge set aside 
the return and ordered a new election, and a Con- 
servative bench of appellate judges unanimously 
sustained him. Whether a Republican Congress 
would have or would now imitate this action, you 
know perhaps better than I. 
Very respectfully, your friend, 

A. M. KEILEY, 
Hon. E. M. Braxton. 

Let me put the charges made by myself and 
the evidence my colleague brings to refute 
them side by side, and let me ask any impar- 
tial gentleman if my colleague does not prove 
my case out of the mouth of his own witnesses. 
I said in regard to the act of the Legislature 
giving the presiding officer of the Portsmouth 
council the right to vote twice: 

Extract from remarks Extract from letter of 

of Mr. Piatt. Mr. Taylor. 

" In the city of Ports- " The council of thecity 
mouth, in my district, of Portsmouth consists of 
there is a considerable twelve members, six 
Republican majority." * from each of two wards. 
* * * "We have in the One ward sent Conserva- 
council six Republicans tivo and the other Re- 
and six Democrats. Of publican members, so 
course under these cir- that the council stood 
cumstancesnothingcould six to six. For a long 
be done. Everything was time no organization 
at a dead lock. There could be efl'ected, no 
were. Republican city of- president or clerk could 
ficers elected by the peo- be elected, and, indeed, 
pie, and the previous Re- nothing at all done which 
publican council. Well, was calculated to draw 
what did the Legislature party lines. Finally, a 
of Virginia do? They compromise was made, 
passed a law giving one It was agreed that the 
of the men in the coun- Conservatives should 
cil two votes, so that by have the presiding offi- 
one vote he could pro- cer, andthe Republicans 
duce a tie, and then give the clerk. The next dif- 
a casting and deciding ficulty arose when the 
vote ; and to-day we have council proceeded to 
the spectacle presented elect certain municipal 
of six men with seven officers. It was impossi- 
votes, a state of things ble, of course, to agree on 
produced by the Legis- any one man — six would 
lature of Virginia to en- vote for the Conservative 
able them to carry out and six for the Radical 
partisan ends, and to nominee. If one of the 
eject from office the Re- Radical members hap- 
publicans elected by the pened to be sick, the 
people." remaining live absented 

themselves, thus pre- 
venting a quorum, and 
producing a dead lock. 
Under the circumstances 
a bill was introduced in 
the Legislature and 
passed, granting the pre- 
sidingofficer in the event 
of a tie the right to give 
the casting vote, he of 
course voting as a mem- 
ber besides." 

In view of the fact that the letter of Mr. 



Taylor admits the charge made by me, and in 
express terms corroborates my statement that 
by the action of the Legislature one man is 
given two votes, the language of my colleague 
following immediately after Colonel Taylor's 
letter is at least refreshing in its simplicity. 
He says : 

" I have no comments to make on Colonel Tay- 
lor's letter. It speaks for itself, and clearly shows 
that my colleague was inaccurately informed as to 
the action of the Legislature of wiich he complains 
and criticises." 

I respectfully submit that if the English lan- 
guage has any meaning at all, then Colonel 
Taylor's letter proves beyond question that I 
was correctly informed as to the nctiou of the 
Virginia Legislature, and stated it correctly. 
Let me call attention to the equally satisfactory 
corroboration of my charge in relation to the 
breaking of the ballot-box in Richmond, as 
contained in the letter of Mr. Keiley, the mayor 
of Richmond: 

[Extract from Mr. Platt's retnarla.] 

" The next morning after the election, while the 
officer of election of one of the wards was proceed- 
ing with the box containing the ballots to deposit 
them with the clerk of the court, he was attacked 
in broad daylight in the streets of Richmond by 
men in disguise, the box taken and its contents scat- 
tered to the winds." 

[Extract from Mr: Keiley' s letter.^ 

" The only other inquiry of your letter refers to 
the destruction of a ballot-box. That has occurred 
once only in this city. It was alleged, and I believe 
truly, that the return in that ballot-box would have 
given an apparent Radical majority; whereas with- 
out that return, the commissioners gave the Con- 
servative ticket the return." 

But giving my colleague and his party the 
full benefit of the evidence he brings forward, 
and which I give entire, I shall proceed to 
show, to the best of my ability, by facts and 
evidence to which I challenge successful refu- 
tation, that I was warranted in charging the 
Democratic party of Virginia with high crimes 
and misdemeanors. I propose to take up my 
statements, which are denied by my colleague 
and his correspondents, and to discuss them in 
the order in which they were made. 

My coUeagvxe says I have made charges 
against the city of Norfolk, the city of Ports- 
mouth, the Legislature of Virginia, and the 
Conservative party of the entire State of Vir- 
ginia. I deny this. I have made no charges 
against the cities named. I do make charges 
against the Democractic party of those cities, 
and they are all true; and I make charges 
against the Democratic majority in the Legis- 
lature of Virginia, and against the entire 
Democratic party of ihe State. 

And here let me call the attention of the 
Democratic associates on this floor of my 
Democratic Virginia colleagues to the fact 
that while the latter are willing to associate 
with them here they are ashamed to own at 
home the party they act with here ; and neither 



they or their party have ever dared since the 
war to come out boldly and manfully and 
acknowledge the name of Democrat, or to go 
into a single election on a square, honest 
issue between Republicanism and Democracy. 
The party skulks under tlie name of Conserva- 
tive, and when you hear that term used you 
may understand that it means a man who is 
a Democrat, but is ashamed to acknowledge 
it. I desire to first call the attention of the 
House to a brief history of the Democratic 
party in the city of Richmond since the admis- 
sion of the State in January, 1870. 

I have charged that the Democratic party is 
in power to-day, and holds the offices of the 
city of Richmond as a direct consequence of 
the villiany of ballot-box breaking, and the 
partisan rulings and action of the judge of the 
hustings court of that city, together with the sub- 
sequent outrage of depriving hundreds of col- 
ored men of the right to vote, and the rascally 
gerrymander by which the city was divided 
into six wards in the manner I shall presently 
illustrate. I dety successful contradiction to 
the statements I am about to make, and I ask 
the members of both sides of this House to 
unite with me in denouncing the infamous 
series of frauds which have disgraced every 
man connected with them or who has profited 
by them, which have covered with infamy the 
party countenancing them, and ought to make 
every man who attempts to defend them blush 
with shame. 

The political campaign which resulted in 
the triumph of the Democratic party of Vir- 
ginia in 1869 and the election of Gilbert C. 
Walker as Governor of the State was fought 
and won under false pretenses and by bare- 
faced deception. A few sore-headed and mis- 
guided Republicans bolted the regular Repub- 
lican nominations, and, nominating Walker for 
Governor, succeeded in inducing Hon. John 
F. Lewis to permit them the use of his name 
as a candidate for Lieutenant Governor. The 
Democrats then abondoned their ticket and 
rallied to the support of the independent 
Republican ticket, entering the field under 
the name of true Reijublicans, and prolessing 
to be better Republicans and more earnest and 
enthusiastic supporters cf the administration 
of General Grant than the original Repub- 
licans themselves. 

The State was canvassed thoroughly by 
their orators, and the people of Virginia sol- 
emly assured that the so-called Walker party 
was the Simon Pure Rei^ublican party, and 
much better Republicans than those who had 
hitherto claimed the title. Walker himself 
made stronger Republican speeches than his 
opponent, Governor Wells. He had a difficult 
part to perform, but he did it ; he performed 
the difficult feat of riding two horses with 
more skill than was ever exhibited outside a 



circus. He had probably read the familiar 
lines — 

"Honor and fame from no condition rise, 
Act well your part; there all the honor lies." 

He had a difficult part to act, but he was 
equal to it, and succeeded in making the 
Republicans of the northern States and many 
in Virginia believe that he was a better Re- 
publican than Wells, and the Democrats that 
he was a better Democrat than Withers, their 
abandoned candidate. I beg those Repub- 
licans who contemplate joining the Cincinnati 
movement to be warned by our fate in Vir- 
ginia, and avoid comuiitting the same mistake 
on a larger scale. Walker and a Democratic 
Legislature were elected, the State was admitted 
to representation on this floor, and the Legis- 
lature convened. One of its first acts was the 
passage of the infamous enabling act, by which 
all the offices of the State were declared vacant, 
and the Governor authorized to till them by 
appointment. 

The object of this law was to remove every 
Republican official in the State and replace 
them by Democrats, and it was faithfully 
carried out by the Governor, who proved a 
plastic tool in their hands, doing all required of 
him zealously and without question. All the 
officials of Richmond were Republicans; with 
perhaps a few insignificant exceptions; they 
were all removed and Democrats appointed in 
their places. The May election was approach- 
ing, it was important to have every agency in 
their hands, and they succeeded in getting all 
the judges and commissioners of elections, all 
the policemen, and all the registrars. And- 
judges of the courts, nominated on partisan 
grounds in a caucus of the Democratic mem- 
bers of the Legislature, were elected by that 
body in strict accordance with the caucus nom- 
inations. 

With everything in their own hands, the 
Democratic party of Richmond calmly awaited 
the May election of 1870. Confident of coming 
vicrory, the day arrived, the election was held, 
a Democratic triumph announced, and the 
party celebrated its supposed victory by torch- 
light processions in the evening, marching 
through the streets of Richmond until late at 
night, insulting prominent Republicans, ston- 
ing the custom-house because it was a Gov- 
ernment building, and indulging in other 
Democratic eccentricities. But they had made 
one mistake ; they had admitted two vigilant 
Republicans at each precinct to witness the 
counting of the votes, and quite late in the 
evening it was discovered, to the utter eon- 
fusion, surprise, and chagriu of the Democrats, 
that the Republicans had carried Richmond, 
and elected all the city officers. 

The intelligence spread like wild-fire and 
soon the Democratic leaders were in council. 
It was a desperate case; the power they sup- 



8 



posed so secure was about to slip from their 
hauds ; desperate remedies must be resorted 
to. They were equal to the occasion, and it 
was decided that the ballot-box containing the 
largest number of Republican voles must be 
destroyed and the Republican candidates, 
who had been elected by the people at an 
election declared by the Democratic press 
of Richmond to be the fairest election ever 
held in the city, deprived of their cerliticates. 
The plan was faithfully carried out. The 
law of Virginia requires that after the ballots 
are counted by the election officers they shall 
be strung on a string, put in a sealed box, and 
deposited with the clerk of the hustings court. 
The box from the third precinct of Jefferson 
ward contained the largest number of Repub- 
lican votes, and was therefore selected for 
destruction ; and on the morning after the 
election, while" on his way to the court-room 
to deposit the ballot-box, the otficer of elec- 
tion having it in charge, and being escorted 
by a Dolice force, was attacked in broad day- 
light "in one of the public streets of Rich- 
mond by two disguised men, the box captured 
without resistance, broken to pieces, and the 
ballots destroyed. 

The facts in regard to the destruction of 
this ballot-box are well known in Richmond. I 
The men concerned in the transaction are well 
known. A policeman named Eagleton, who 
was one of the men detailed to guard the cap- 
tured box, refused to agree to swear that he 
knew nothing about it, in case of investiga- 
tion, and a few nights after, while walking his 
beat, was shot in the back by a hired assassin. 
The names of the men who committed this 
outrage on the ballot-box are well known 
in liichmond ; but so far as I know or can 
ascertain no attempt has ever been made 
Lu arrest or punish them. One of the most 
notorious ruffians in Richmond publicly 
tlireatened to expose the parties concerned 
unless he was taken care of, and was almost 
immediately appointed to a lucrative position 
under the city government. 

Although the ballots themselves bad been 
destroyed,the poll-books containing acertificate 
of the result of the count remained, and there 
was thus presented to the commissioners of 
election the certificate of all the judges of 
election, sworn to and signed, as to the num- 
ber of votes cast for each member. But in- 
credible as the statement may appear to hon- 
est men, it is yet a fact that the Democratic 
commissioners of election for the city of Rich- 
mond threw out the vote of the third precinct 
of Jefferson ward, on the ground that the law 
had not been complied with, as the ballots had 
not been deposited with the clerk of the hus- 
tings court, and gave the election and the cer- 
tificates to the Democratic candidates. I have 
no comments to make on the closing para- 



graph of the letter of the mayor of Richmond, 
as given in my colleague's remarks, except to 
repeat it here and to ask honorable gentlemen 
to examine it in connection with facts I am 
about to state and draw their own conclusions. 
Mr. Keiley says: 

"A Conservative judge set aside the return and 
ordered a new election, and a Conservative bench 
of apellate judges uQanimously sustained him. 
Whether a Republican Congress would have or 
would now imitate this action you know perhaps 
better than I." 

I have stated that the commissioners gave 
the certificate of election to the Democratic 
candidates. Mr. Keiley says a Conservative 
judge set aside this return and ordered a new 
election. Let us see how he did it. The 
Republican candidates sought the only means 
of redress in their power. They brought suit 
before the judge of the hustings court, who 
by law had sole jurisdiction in the case. A 
decision was delayed until the defeated Dem- 
ocratic candidates had qualified on the cer- 
tificates of election issued to them and taken 
possession of the offices. 

Then this Conservative judge decided that 
the election should be set aside not that the 
Repitblicans who were clearly entitled to the 
offices should have them, but that a new elec- 
tion should be had, and that he would appoint 
men to hold the offices in the mean time. The 
defeated Democratic candidates who had ob- 
tained possession of the offices had friends ap- 
pointed who, it had been previously arranged, 
should not qualify. The law required them to 
qualify within thirty days after appointment, 
or the incumbents held over, and to make as- 
surance doubly sure this Conservative judge 
made these ad interim appointments at night, 
and before the next morning had left the State, 
and remained absent until after the thirty days 
had expired, and the defeated Democratic can- 
didates held the offices until the ensuing elec- 
tion in November, when with one or two ex- 
ceptions they were reelected, their party in 
the mean time having made arrangements to 
insure a Democratic victory ; and to render im- 
possible a disappointment, such as they had 
experienced in May, at this election every 
possible impediment was thrown in the way of 
colored men to prevent them from voting. 

I present and ask to have read from the 
Clerk's desk extracts from the testimony taken 
before United States Commissioner J. W. 
Jenkins, at the preliminary hearing in the case 
of a man named Hagan, an election officer 
at the third precinct of Jefferson ward, during 
the election of November, 1870. The Clerk 
will please read the extracts which I have 
marked, being from affidavits made by Thomas 
HoUins, esq., Hon. Rush Burgess, B. VV. Gillis, 
esq., and Hon. L. H. Chandler, gentlemen 
widely and favorably known, and with a large 
personal acquaintance among the members of 



9 



this House. The other extracts I will ask to 
have printed with my remarks. 
The Clerk read as follows : 

Extracts from teatimony given under oath before Uni- 
ted States Gommisaioner Jenkins, in the Hagan 

case : 

"Thomas Hallins testified before Commissioner 
Jenkins in the Ilogan case: 

" I was present at tlic election in Jeiferson ward on 
the 8th of November, 1870; was acting as a judge 
of election. I proiested against receiving the re- 
turns of that precinct, because a large number of 
voters, four hundred or more, were prevented from 
voting by asking unnecessary questions by John 
Hagan, jr., one of the judges of election. By ask- 
ing these questions he prevented four hundred or 
more registered voters from voting. At no time in 
the day were there less than two hundred voters 
waiting to vote. In my judgment a free and full 
exercise of the elective privilege was not allowed to 
one half of the voters of that precinct. 

" Michael Lanam testified in same case and same 
time : 

"I w.as clerk of third precinct, Jefferson ward; 
the voting was retarded by unnecessary questions 
asked of known Republicans, white and colored, by 
Windom Kogers, Benjamin Shepard, and P. H. Suth- 
erland, who took supreme control of the precinct. 
At no time were there less than one hundred voters 
in waiting during the day. 

"P. Nichols also testified to the conduct of the same 
persons ; and also said they retarded voting by ask- 
ing improper questions, as to the voter's exact age, 
the places tliey moved from, although the answers 
given compared exactly with the statement in the 
register's book. 

"Rush Burgess testified: 

"I was at the third voting precinct, Jefferson ward, 
about three o'clock; outside of the door there was a 
long line of colored voters in double and triple file, 
on one side of a trestle bench placed in the center 
of the door; white men were on the other side; they 
were permitted to vote alternately; noticed one ex- 
ception: a colored man, after being asked a great 
m.any questions.was sent away to poitit out his house ; 
a white man was voted when he left and when he 
came back, 

"B.W.Gillis testified: 

" 1 was present at the polls, third precinct, Jef- 
ferson ward, from before two o'clock till after five 
o'clock. My attention was called to a carpenter's 
bench in the center of the doorway. A line of about 
twelve or fifteen white men was on the right side of 
the bench ; on the left side was a line of about one 
hundred and fifty feet, two or three deep, of colored 
voters. The voting of the colored men was very 
slow, and, I think, by my watch, in a great many 
instances the time occupied to vote a single voter 
was seven minutes. Heard Mr. Hagan ask a great 
many questions that seemed to be frivolous and un- 
called for. Mr. Hagan called out a few minutes 
before closing the polls that if there were any white 
voters to send them in. There were two hundred 
to two hundred and fifty colored voters waiting to 
vote when the polls closed. 

" L. H. Chandler testified : 

" 1 was at the third precinct about two o'clock ; a 
large number of colored persons were in line; there 
was no voting when I got there; they voted in two 
lines; a railing or division was made from the cen- 
ter of the voting door; the whites all voted on the 
right-hand side and the colored on the left. There 
was a constable and a police oBicer stationed at the 
door. The manner of voting was this: one white 
man was allowed to vote, and then one colored 
man, only one being allowed to vote at the same 
time, and only one man was questioned at the same 
time. I went out and counted the colored persons 
in line that had not voted, and there were two hun- 
dred and fifty-three or two hundred and fifty-five. 
I then counted the white men in line, and there 
were four or five; there were in all about twenty- 



five white men in the vicinity. AVhen the polls 
closed, there wore twelve or fifteen while men there, 
and myself and three or four others counted the 
colored men who had not voted, and there were two 
hundred and fitly-one or two hundred and fifty- 
three ; I am confident there were more then than 
when I fir-:t counted. The voting was very slow. 
Voters were asked, 'What street do you live on T 
'What is your number?' 'What business do you 
follow?' 'How old are you now?' 'How old were 
you when you registered ?' In one instance it took 
a colored man seven minutes to vote, in another in- 
stance three minutes. There was a manifest dispo- 
sition on the part of the commissioners to make a 
distinction in this respect between white and col- 
ored voters. 

"Gabriel Ford testified: 

"I voted at that precinct; there were two lines, 
white and black. I voted at half past four o'clock ; 
only one or two voted after me. I did not see any 
whites voting at that time; when I voted there 
were about two hundred colored voters in the line. 

" Wilson Price testified : 

" I went to the precinct at six o'clock a. m. and 
waited till nine o'clock a. m.; returned at twelve 
noon, and remained till closing of polls ; was unable 
to get a chance to vote. If no white voters were in 
attendance, no colored voter was permitted to vote, 

" David Fraser testified : 

"I was at this voting place from five o'clock a. m. 
till the polls closed, and could not get a cha ice to 
deposit my vote. I know that not less thar forty 
colored men stood in line from sunrise to sunsjt and 
could not vote because the managers would not 
allow them to approach the polls. I counted at the 
close of the polls two hundred and fifty-three colored 
voters in line who could not vote, besides a large 
number outside of the line. 

" G. L. Bosher testified : 

" I was at the polls, third precinct, from the open- 
ing to the close; there was a large number of col- 
ored voters present with their tickets waiting to 
vote during the whole day, who failed to vote ; I 
should judge there were between two and three 
hundred men in line after the polls closed who had 
no chance to deposit their votes ; some of these men 
I know personally, and know that they were wait- 
ing from morning till night. 

" Robert Oliver testified : 

"I stood in the line of colored voters near the door 
from sunrise till sunset, and could not get a chance 
to cast my vote. There were two lines of voters, 
one colored the other white. John Hagan, who 
seemed to have entire control of the polls, would 
not permit any colored voter to vote unless there 
was a white voter there, thereby depriving me and a 
large number of colored voters of the right to vote 
wlien there was ample time to. vote them all. Three 
hundred colored voters were in line when the polls 
closed who were deprived of voting. 

"A. J. Terry testified : 

" I was in attendance at that voting place all day. 
At least two hundred and fifty colored men were in 
line all day endeavoring to vote, and had to leave 
when the polls closed without voting. The process 
of taking theballots from colored voters was so slow 
that it took a colored man ten hours to advance 
from the gutter to the door where the ballots were 
received. 

"Spencer Graig testified : 

" I was a legal voter of the third precinct ; I was 
in the line with others from eight o'clock a.m. until 
the closing of the polls at night, and could not get a 
chance to vote ; there were at least two hundred 
and fifty colored voters who failed as I did." 

Mr. PLATT. Now, Mr. Speaker, I respect- 
fully submit that I have proved conclusively 
that I was warranted in saying that hundreds 
of men had been deprived of the right to vote 
by the Democratic party in the city of Rich- 



10 



inond. and I come now to the election of 1871, 
when these same men, with few exceptions, 
whom we have seen obtaining ofSce through the 
broken ballot-box are again declared elected. 
Fearing that they were not fully secured in 
their lease of power, authority was obtained 
from the Legislature of Virginia to redistrict 



the city, which then consisted of five wards 
evenly and fairly divided. As more effective 
than words, I have had a diagram prepared 
showing how this was done. The sketch now 
being held up by the Clerk shows the city of 
Richmond as divided into wards before the 
gerrymander, 




And the sketch he now holds up shows the same city as divided into wards by the gerrymander. 




Bear in mind that each ward is given the sarne 
number of representatives in the city council. 
The city, by the new arrangement, is divided 
into six wards instead of five as before. 
Nearly or quite one third of the entire city is 
comprised in Jackson ward, which contains a 
large majority of the colored voters of the city, 
whoare thus robbed of the right of representa- 
tion guarantied them by the Constitution of 
the United States and that of the State. This is 
a fair sample of the gerrymandering process to 
which the cities of Virginia have been sub- 
jected by a Democratic Legislature, of the 



gerrymander of the State in legislative dis- 
tricts, and now of the State into congressional 
districts, the latter being considered infamous 
by some of my Democratic colleagues, even, 
and some of them at least are prepared to join 
me in denouncing it. 

I neglected to state that the Republican can- 
didates who it is claimed were defeated at the 
November election, in 1870 are yet struggling 
in the courts in a vain endeavor to have justice 
done them. I wanted to take up the Chahoon 
case and ventilate that chapter of Democratic 
infamy. If my colleague thinks I shrink from 



11 



discussing that question he is mistaken ; I shall 
be only too happy to have the opportunity. I 
do not believe mere is one honest man in ilioh- 
mond who l)elieveri that George W. Clialioon 
was guilty of the charges iipon which ho was 
three times tried by infamously packed juries. 
Every decent Democrat I have ever conversed 
with who knows anything about the case is 
open and unreserved in his denunciation of the 
villainous conspiracy against him, and as I be- 
lieve in a just and righteous God, 1 bi'iievc his 
persecutors will yet be made to answer for 
their wickedness in this case. 

Mr. Speaker, 1 believe I have established 
all I have charged against the Democratic 
party of Richmond. Permit me to ask your 
attention for a few minutes while I answer 
my colleague's correspondent from Norfolk; 
and the lime allotted me is drawing so rapidly 
to an end that I must confine myself to the 
reading of statements furnished me- by citizens 
of Norfolk of character and standing. I send 
to the Olerk's desk to have read the follow- 
ing statement from John F. Dezendorf, esq., 
and a communication received from Repub- 
licans of Norfolk. 

The Clerk read as follows : 

Norfolk, Virginia, March 30, 1872. 
Dear Sir: Your speech in Congress relative to the 
proscriptiou exercised against the members ot the 
Kepublioan party in the cities and counties of this 
State, was eminently iust and true, and the thanlcs 
of the Republicans of this city are tendered to you 
for the fearless manner in which you have always 
exposed the wrong-doings of the Democraty party 
of this State to the consideration of the Cougress ot 
the United States. 

At all the elections held in this city subsequent to 
the admission of the State into the Union, a separate 
voting precinct has beeu established for white and 
black voters, with a separate ballot-box for each. 
There is no authority for this discrimination in the 
State law, and it is a clear violation of the aet 
of Congress commonly known as the "enforcement 
act." Tnis, coupled with the fact that the judges 
and commissioners of election are composed (with 
two exceptions, and they at white precincts) wholly 
of Democrats or Conservatives, which is another 
name for the same thing, notwithstanding that 
prominent Republicans, property-owuers, and men 
in every way above reproach have been recom- 
mended tothejudge of the corporation court of the 
city, with the request that at least one Republican 
may be appointed as judge or commissioner at each 
precinct, which request has been refused, presents 
unbounded ouportuuity for intimidation and fraud. 
The colored polls are beset with men who browbeat 
and intimidate the colored voters in the most out- 
rageous manner, and are not prevented or hindered 
from so doing by the judges of election. 

The colored voters have propounded to them the 
most irrelevant and preposterous questions, put for 
the purpose of consuming the time and coniusing 
the voter; and in many instances ten, fifteen, and 
twenty minutes have thus been consumed, and the 
voter then refused because, being confused, he has 
made a mistake of a year in his age, or on some other 
trilling and frivolous pretense. 

Two years ago the city of Norfolk was redis- 
tricted, by order of the council, in order, as it was 
claimed, that the wards might have an equal pop- 
ulation, but in reality for partisan purposes, as the 
sequel developed. For, as soon as the redistricting 
was accomplished, a new apportionment of council- 
men was ordered, and although the population in 



each ward was now the same, the wards known to 
to be Democratic were given each eight councilmcn ; 
one ward then considered doubtful was given seven, 
while the fourth ward, known to be largely Repub- 
lican, and which is poiuilarly termed ••Alnca by 
the Democrats, was given but live members ; a plain 
violation of the State constitution, wlucli provides 
"that representiition shall be based upon popula- 
tion ;" and the population of the wards being equal, 
they were entitled to equal representation in the 
city council. 

After this redistricting of the city a new regis- 
tration was ordered, although there was no author- 
ity 01 law for the same in the statutes of the btate, 
which provide that the registration lists shall be 
opened iifteen days previous to the election lor re- 
vision, at which time those may be added who have 
become voters since the previous election, and trans- 
fers may be given from one voting precinct to an- 
other. But an entire new registration was ordered, 
aud in consequence many Republicans, colored men, 
who were working in the swamps outside the city, 
failed to register, and their names do not appear 
upon the new lists, and although they were duly 
registered at the first and only legal registration 
ever held— those held fifteen days previous to elec- 
tions being supplementary thereto— when they now 
apply to vote they are refused, and at the last elec- 
tion several were sent to jail for attempting to vote 
without being duly registered. The State law pro- 
vides an oath upon which a man whose vote is chal- 
lenged may vote, which, although many Democrats 
were voted upon it, was denied in many instances 
to colored Republicans. 

In consequence of the delays and intimidations to 
which the colored voters are subjected in every elec- 
tion, there have been numbers who, have not come 
to the polls at all, aud many who after having stood 
at the polls all day with the ballots in their hand, 
have been unable to vote. At the election two 
years ago this spring over two hundred colored men 
were at the polls with the ballots in their hands 
when the polls closed without having voted. Nor 
is this proscription confined to colored men. White 
men who dare to be Republicans are shamefully 
insulted and abused at the polls, and maliciously 
slandered and vilified through the columns ot the 
Democratic press. 

The most unblushing frauds have been perpetra- 
ted. At the election held in November last, at the 
white precinct of the second ward in this city, ninety- 
seven more ballots were found in the ballot-box 
than were names on the poll-book, and the utmost 
partisanship was displayed in the withdrawa of 
these fraudulant votes, in order to make the ballots 
and the books correspond. Out of the iiinety-seven 
ballots withdrawn, thirty-one were Republican, 
while the entire Republican vote of that precinct 
is but about ninety and the Democratic is some 
five hundred. At the colored precinct in the same 
ward voting was carried on for some two hours 
without having the ballot-box locked or in anyway 
secured. , ^ , 

Nor does the proscription end here. Every obstacle 
is thrown in the way of Republicans elected to oltice, 
qualifying and taking possession of the same. At 
the May election in this city in 1871 the RepuDlicans 
elected about one half of the city officers incluehng 
the city collector, street inspector, and others, ihe 
gentlemen elected to these positions were native 
Virginians, but they were Republicans, and conse- 
quently had to resort to the courts to got possession 
of their offices. The bonds were increased, and every 
obstacle thrown in the way to prevent their qualify- 
ing, and the collector did not obtain possession ot 
his office until the taxes for that year had nearly all 
been collected. "When the milk had been extracted 
from the cocoanut." the shell was thrown to him. 
The same thing took place in Norfolk county, where 
the county treasurer was required to give bond m 
$100 000, an unprecedently large amount, and alter 
having done so and added thereto $10,000 on his own 
motion, he is still kept out of his office, and will havo 
to resort to the courts for redress. 



12 



The Democratic press of the cities of this State, 
and particularly iu Norfolk, are responsible for the 
state of things that exist here. The "social ku- 
kluxism," which, if not as fatal to life as that "ku- 
kluxism " which exists in more southern latitudes, 
is very damaging to the interests of the city, State, 
and country. 

The facts which I have here brought to your 
notice are abundantly capable of proof, and can 
be substantiated by affidavits of responsible parties, 
should the same be necessary. 

And in the cases of the keeper and physician of 
the almshouse, although duly elected by the people 
at an election held in accordance with the State 
laws, and in reference to which the Democratic 
party made up their ticket, including candidates 
for the above offices, after taking the advice of the 
most learned legal counsel in the city, these officers 
elected upon the Republican ticket at said election 
were, after having held the offices several months, 
thrust from office on the plea that the new charter 
of the city gave the appointment to the city council, 
and Democrats were accordingly appointed to these 
positions in the place of the Republicans elected at 
a legal election, having received a large majority of 
the popular vote. 

Again thanking you in the name of the Repub- 
lican party of this city for your noble defense of 
Republicans, and your truthtul statement of the 
indignities and abuse to which they are subjected 
by reason of their devotion to principle, I am truly 
yours, 

JOHN F. DEZENDORF, 
Chairman Executive Committee of Norfolk. 
Hon. James H. Platt, M. C, Second Congressional 

District of Virginia, Washington, I) . C. 

District of Columbia, County of Washington, ss: 

Be it known that John F. Dezendorf personally 
appeared before me in said District, and being by 
me duly sworn according to law, deposes and says 
that the statements in the foregoing paper are true 
to the best of his knowledge and belief. 
Witness my hand and seal this 4th day of April, 

187'? 

•^°'^- R. H, MARSH, 

[l. S.] Notary Publio. 

Norfolk, March 21, 1872. 
Dear Sir: At a meeting of the National Repub- 
lican Club, held at their rooms on the 2Lst instant, 
the inclosed letter was unanimously adopted, and 
the president was directed to forward you a copy, 
which you may use as you may see proper. 
Respectfully, yours, 

JAMES H. HALL, 
President Republican Club. 
Hon. James H. Platt, M. C, Washington, District 
of Columbia. 

Norfolk, March 21, 1872. 

We, the undersigned Republicans and citizens of 
Norfolk, Virginia, lully corroborate the statement 
made by you in the House of Representatives as 
published in the Norfolk Journal of this date, as 
true iu all respects, as far as this city is concerned, 
notwithstanding the letter read by Hon.E.M. Brax- 
ton, M. C. of the seventh congressional district, from 
Hon. W. H. Taylor, of the senate of Virginia. 

We were present at the various voting precincts 
at several elections, and especially at the election 
held on the fourth Thursday of May, 1870, and wit- 
nessed the abuses practiced upon the colored voters, 
and are satisfied that when the polls closed at sun- 
down at least one hundred and fifty to two hundred 
colored men had to go home without recording their 
votes for the Republican party. 

JAMES H. HALL, President. 
AVILLIAM T. BELL, Secretary. 

The above was indorsed by the entire club, num- 
bering sixty or more present at the time. 
Respectfully, 

WILLIAM T.Bmjj, Secretary. 



Mr. PLATT. Now, sir, in regard to Ports- 
mouth, I send to the Clerk's desk and ask to 
have read a commmiicalion from a reliable and 
well-known citizen of that city, and I vonch 
for the truth of the statement made by him. 

The Clerk read as follows : 

Portsmouth, Virginia, March 20, 1872. 

Dear Sir: By request of P. G. Thomas, mayor, 
I will endeavor to give you the facts asked for in 
yours of the 18th. 

First, in relation to the murder of John Wilson, 
On the Saturday night following the election for 
members of the Legislature, (in which the Demo- 
crats succeeded by reason of the P»,epublicans run- 
ning two candidates,) the Democratic party had a 
torchlight procession, in which were a number of 
rowdies from Norfolk and also the rough element of 
Portsmouth. They were outrageous in their be- 
havior on the streets, causing even Democratic 
saloon-keepers to close their doors. After the pro- 
cession reached the court-house, and the speaking 
commenced, a large number of those carrying torches 
came down thestreet yelling and whooi)ing, and dis- 
turbing the peace generall.v. Policeman John Wil- 
son (who was a gentleman iu manners) approached 
them and very kindly asked them to- preserve the 
peace, telling them he had no desire toe arrest any 
one, but was compelled to do his duty, and hoped 
they would go along quietly. 

The party surrounded Wilson, and several raised 
the cry of kill the damned nigger. One of the party 
placed a pistol- close to the back of VViison's head 
and fired, the ball entering back of and below the 
left ear, rangirig up into the brain. He immedi- 
ately fell and expired. The crowd kicked Wilson 
after he fell; some of them also struck him with 
their torches. One young man (Hamilton) testified 
that he got over the body of Wilson and told the 
crowd that he (Hamilton) was a Democrat, but such 
conduct was shameful and would bring disgrace on 
the party. 

This foul murder took place on the principal 
street, between two corner stores, with at least a 
hundred people within one hundred feet. 1 heard 
of the murder shortly after it happened, and at once 
started for the scene of action. Several friends tried 
to detain me, fearing some harm would befall me. 
I told them I thought there was no danger. I went 
up High street and found the body of VVilson had 
been removed to the station-house, whither I pro- 
ceeded and sent for Coroner Matthews, who impan- 
eled a jury, I being one • f them. 

The evidence identified a number of persons as 
being present among the disturbers of the peace 
and among the crowd who committed the murder. 
Several parties swore they could recognize the 
person who fired the shot could they see him again, 
but that they did not know his name, but that he 
lived in Norfolk. One man, I think, testified that 
his name was Johnson. Warrants were issued for 
the arrest of Thomas Flood, John Bullock, Tuomas 
Finly, and Charles Brown. It was proven con- 
clusively that Flood and Bullock were in the crowd 
of peace disturbers, and also in the Democratic pro- 
cession. 

The day after the murder Mayor Thomas received 
information that the person who fired the shot 
was identified, and that he resided in Norlolk. A 
warrant was immediately issued, and pi, iced in the 
hands of officers Brown and Wilson, after being 
countersigned by Mayor Whitehead, of Norfolk, who 
sent a Norfolk policeman to assist tUem. 

The officers were followed by a crowd of Norfolk 
firemen to the residence (jf the accused, when the 
Norfolk officer walked off. The rowdies and fire- 
men then threatened the Portsmouth officers, and 
intimidated them to such an extent that they 
returned to Portsmouth, believing tlioir lives in 
danger. Mayor Thomas then made a lormal com- 
plaint to Mayor Whitehead, of Norfolk, wlio prom- 
ised to have the accused if he was to be lound; but 
the bird had flown and has not been seen since, to 



13 



\ 



my knowledge. The facts were plain that the Demo- 
cratic party sympathized with the murderers; but I 
must say tliat 1 believe nine out of ten of our citi- 
zens were sorry it occurred. 

Second, at the election for members of the city 
council while the Republicans carried the city on 
the popular vote, the Democrats carried one of the 
wards, (Jackson,) thus making a tie in the council and 
causing a dead-lock (1 was one of the Republican 
members.) We met at various times for some three 
months without being able to organize. Finally we 
agreed upon a compromise which gave the Demo- 
crats the president of the council, while we retained 
the clerk; city othcersto remain as they were, unless 
vacancie- occurred by death, malfeasance, or resig- 
nation. This was considered fair, and was all that 
was necessary for practical legislation. 

After some time, without agitation of the subject 
in the city, no application or petition from any 
known source, the Legislature passed an act amend- 
ing the city charter by making sis members of the 
council a quorum, giving the president one vote to 
make a tie and another one to <lecide the question ; 
thus giving the minority representation full legisla- 
tive power. 

Under the operation of this act all the rules of 
the council were suspended, and six men, represent- 
ing the smallest ward in the city, refused to record 
the votes of the six men representing the largest 
ward. I appealed to the president, who had been 
chosen by compromise, and he decided virtually 
that by his casting vote he had the power to refuse 
to record my vote, as a member of the city council, 
unless I voted for a man nominated by one of the 
Democratic members; and he did so refuse to record 
my vote. The Republican members were mere 
head-pieces. Their power as members were entirely 
taken away. This act of injustice was so glaring 
that I have heard life-long Democrats denounce it; 
and I know of some men who have left that party 
because of it. 

You will perceive the action of the Legislature 
could possibly have no motive except the temporary 
control of the paltry patronage of a bankrupt city 
for the Democracy. Ilad they sought to remedy a 
defect in tUe charter they would have provided for 
future contingencies; but they have not done so, 
and a tie in the council hereafter would forever pre- 
vent an organization, because no party would give 
one man of the opposite party full legislative power 
such as the president of the city council has under 
this act of the Virginia Legislature. 

I have tried to give you a succinct statement; 
would go more into detail did I deem it necessary. 
I am willing to make affidavit to the truth of what 
is here stated at any time ; and should you want 
information on any one point, you will either state 
it or telegraph for me to come to Washington. 

Yours, truly, 

JAMES II. CLExMENTS. 
Hon. James H. Platt, M. C. 

Mr. PLATTv And now, sir, a few words 
only ill reply to the statements of my colleaguo 
in relation to his own district. He says : 

"As to the charge of intimidation practiced by the 
Conservative party in the State of Virginia, I only 
have proof as to one of the congressional districts; 
and I here say that the charge, so far as the district 
that I represent is involved, is utterly unfounded, 
and I believe it to be untrue as to every district in 
the State. Sir, the seventh district was scoured by 
a United States commissioner and an attorney-at- 
law after the last congressional election. It was 
hunted all over before the election by white and 
black men who were paid by the executive Repub- 
lican committee in this city to canvass, as they 
termed it, but in fact to search up something to sus- 
tain a contest determined on weeks before the elec- 
tion for the seat that I now have ; and all that could 
be found to sustain the charge of intimidation was 
one poor, idiotic negro, who, when asked by the 
commissioner, ' What is an oath?' answered, " It is 
what you see, and what you know.'" 



I find, on turning to page 26 of House Mis- 
cellaneous Report No. 35, containing the testi- 
mony taken in the case of McKenziet).?. Brax- 
ton, that the testimony of the idiotic negro 
referred to by my colleague is there reported. 
He swears that a man named Steward Thomas 
told him at Criglersville precinct the day of 
election that he had voted against him once, 
and that if he did it again he must leave, or 
he (Thomas) would put a ball in him. This 
ignorant man was certainly a legal voter, and 
at least had sufficient mental capacity to un- 
derstand that voting for Mr. McKenzie was 
dangerous business at that precinct. This 
document contains other testimony, the evi- 
dence of gentlemen of intelligence, and whose 
character for truth and veracity has never been 
assailed. My colleague seems to have for- 
gotten those statements, when making the 
broad and sweeping declaration in regard to 
his own district I have quoted above. 

I desire to refer to some facts shown clearly 
by the evidence as reported. I call the atten- 
tion of my colleague to the deposition of Mr. 
John J. Robinson, on page 17, who swears 
that because he advocated the Republican 
ticket he was threatened with being mobbed ; 
that he was actually attacked in the county of 
Madison, in my colleague's district; that his 
life was imperiled. So great was the danger 
that he had to call on a peace officer for pro- 
tection, and finally flee the place to save his life. 

The testimony of Thomas Monroe, on page 
21, shows that because he was legitimately 
workingin the interest of the Republican party 
he was attacked and fired upon by his assail- 
ants, and only saved his life by flight and refuge 
in a thick wood. 

The testimony of R. D. Beekley, on pages 
33 and 34, show that at a Republican meeting 
at the court-house of the county of Culpepper 
the most riotous proceedings were resorted to 
by the political friends of my colleague, con- 
sisting in part, in the language of deponent, 
"Sticks were raised, stones were thrown. 
Oliver (one of the Republican speakers) was 
yelled at with cries of ' The damned nigger 
shall not speak here, down with the negro,' " 
and severe threats ; and because of these pro- 
ceedings, other speakers were afraid to venture 
on the stand. Both Mr. Beekley and Mr. Oliver 
are well known to me personally. They are 
among the most intelligent colored men of the 
country. Gentlemanly in deportment and char- 
acter, no one who knows them would doubt any 
statement they would make ou or otf the w.it- 
ness stand. 

The depositions of Robert Allen, C. W. 
Hplland, and others, on pages 28, 29, and 
j 30, show that they and others who desired to 
vote the Republican ticket were prevented 
from so doing by the aciion of the partisan 
conductors of the election in failing tp open 
i the polls as required by law, this being a 



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favorite way of preventing Republican majori- 
ties being given, frequently practiced in various 
portions of the State at precincts with large 
Kepublican majorities. 

This is a sin of omission for which the State 
law provides no penalty, therefore oftener 
resorted to than sins of commission, but never 
practiced at any point having a Democratic 
majority. My colleague has been misinformed 
in regard to men hunting all over his district 
before the election for evidence of fraud and 
intimidation, and evidence to use in a prede- 
termined-upou contest for his seat in this body. 
I certify that not one cent was paid to any 
one by the congressional executive committee 
for canvassing in my colleague's district, nor 
was any person employed by that committee 
in any capacity or for any purpose in that dis- 
trict. As the secretary of that committee I 
am certain of the incorrectness of that state- 
ment as made by my colleague, and assure him 
that on this point at least he has been misin- 
formed. 

Since the publication of my remarks on the 
6th of March I have received from many por- 
tions of Virginia letters and affidavits in regard 
to outrages by the Democratic party, which 
show that they are by no means confined to 
the localities to which I have given special 
attention in my remarks to-day. I have neither 
the time or the inclination to dwell further 
upon these unpleasant topics. I should much 
prefer to praise, were it possible to do so hon- 
estly. I cheerfully tesiify that there are counties 
in the State where the two parties dwell together 
in peace and harmony, and where tbe members 
of the Democratic party show fairness and toler- 
ation. I believe the sentiment of liberality and 
toleration for differences of political opinion is 
growing and extending, and it will be a blessed 
day for Virginia when in all localities men 
shall cease to be persecuted and ostracised in 
business and society because of their political 
opinions. God knows how earnestly 1 desire 
the prosperity of my State and the happiness 
of her people, earnestly believing as I do that 
neither can be realized until perfect freedom 
of opinion is tolerated. I do most urgently 
beg all good men to unite for the purpose of 
securing it. The Republican party only ask 
that every man twenty-one years of age should 
be allowed to vote once, as his conscience 
shall dictate, unless he forfeits that right by a 
criminal act. We ask this for ourselves, and 
we will do as much to secure it to our oppo- 



nents as we will to secure it to ourselves. I 
have only kind feelings for my Democratic 
colleagues on this floor. They have at all times 
extended to me courteous and gentlemanly 
treatm"ent, which I have endeavored to recipro- 
cate. I regret that I have been forced into this 
controversy. I regret that they should denj 
or attempt to defend the crimes of the Vir- 
ginia Democracy, and believe they have been 
led into such a course by the force of evil as- 
sociations on this floor with the party that for 
so long a time denied and defended the crimes 
of the Ku Klux. I would that I could influ- 
ence them to break away from their present 
political associations and induce them to join 
me in placing our beloved State in harmony 
with the ruling party of the country, and work- 
ing with me through the only party that can 
help u^ to restore Virginia to the proud posi- 
tion she once held but has now lost. Howcaa 
they study the history of Virginia for the forty 
years she has been under the rule of Democ- 
racy and affiliate longer with a party which 
has brought our State, step by step, down the 
declining grade of poverty and ruin, until we 
have almost found that "lowest deep," de- 
picted in the impassioned language of Milton? 
How can any man who loves Virginia remain 
in a party that has brought upon her only ruin, 
degradation, poverty, debt, and excessive tax- 
ation until it has almost ended in dishonor 
and repudiation; .whose record in Virginia is 
one long unbroken history of blundering folly 
and adherence to wrong-doing? But if they 
are hopelessly joined to their idols, as 1 fear 
they are, then let them unite with me and my 
colleagues on this side of the House in our 
efTorts to prevent and punish wrong-doing by 
whichever party committed. I pledge them 
my earnest efforts to remedy any wrongs my 
own party may commit. Let them try as 
earnestly to cause a cessation of those I have 
pointed out as existing in the party to which 
they belong, and in all questions not political 
affecting our State I am certain that in the 
future, as in the past, we shall work together 
harmoniously, only striving to excel each other 
in the effort to do, each, more than the other 
for the material good of the State we repre- 
sent, and for the happiness and prosperity of 
the people among whom our lot is cast and 
with whom all my interests are as intimately 
interwoven and as inseparably allied as are 
those of any citizen of the old State of which 
we are all so proud and all love so well. 



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